by Alvin Blackshear | Historian & Researcher
Trust in government depends on a belief that officials serve
the public rather than themselves. Any serious discussion starts by separating
three things: proven corruption, which is illegal and prosecutable; legal
conflicts of interest, which are permitted or manageable but risky; and
appearances of impropriety, which may involve no wrongdoing yet still corrode
confidence. Policy should answer each differently.
The Framers anticipated the problem. Jill Lepore's
constitutional history shows their safeguards: the Emoluments Clauses,
qualification rules and impeachment. But those tools were written for a smaller
government and an earlier economy. Michael Lewis, from The Fifth Risk to Blockers,
supplies the other half of the story: rules matter only if career officials can
apply them, and ethics offices and inspectors depend on administrative
independence.
These five proposals merit serious consideration.
Limiting individual
stock trading. The STOCK Act of 2012 requires disclosure but does not bar
trading. On July 22, 2026, the House passed the Stop Insider Trading Act,
232–198, with all Republicans and 13 Democrats in favor, according to news
reports. The bill would bar new stock purchases by members and their families
and require advance notice of sales. Critics say it is not a true ban because
members can still sell. Democrats also objected to unrelated election
provisions attached to it, including a voter ID requirement, and introduced a
broader ban covering the president, vice president and cabinet. The Senate's
response remains uncertain.
Mandatory Retirement
at 75. The Constitution sets qualifications for members of Congress, and
the Supreme Court has held that states cannot add to them. Federal judges have
lifetime tenure. An age cap would almost certainly require a constitutional
amendment.
Blind trusts above $1
million. Current law already allows qualified blind trusts, but critics
doubt they are truly blind. A statute could set net-worth thresholds and
independence standards.
Prediction-market
limits. Event contracts raise insider-information concerns when officials
can foresee or influence outcomes. Senators have unanimously approved
restrictions on senators and their staff, and a bipartisan bill from Kirsten
Gillibrand and David McCormick would extend similar limits to the president,
vice president and senior executive officials. A House Republican proposal
would cover members, spouses and dependent children but not White House
officials. Meanwhile the CFTC claims exclusive jurisdiction over these markets,
so legislation and regulation are still being sorted out.
Restrictions on
foreign investments. Congress can legislate here, but the definitions of
"foreign" and of covered assets are contested.
These reforms should cover all members of government,
Congress, the executive branch, the judiciary, and state and local officials.
Congress can reach federal officials; state and local coverage raises
federalism problems. The constitutional sorting is straightforward in
principle. Age and term limits likely require amendment; trading, trust,
prediction-market and foreign-investment rules can proceed by ordinary
legislation.
That leaves one remaining issue. A rule is only as strong as
whoever enforces it, and an ethics office that answers to the officials it
polices is little more than a disclosure form with a letterhead. Who would enforce these new rules?
Sources:
Jill Lepore, These Truths (W.W.
Norton, 2018) and We the People (Liveright,2025).
Eddie S. Glaude Jr., Begin Again (Crown,
2020) and America: How Race Shadows the Nation’s Anniversaries (Crown,
2026).
Henry Louis Gates Jr., Stony the Road
(Penguin, 2019).
Robert D. Putnam and Shaylyn Romney Garrett, The Upswing (Simon & Schuster, 2020).
Heather Cox Richardson, How the South Won
the Civil War (Oxford, 2020).
Michael Lewis, The Fifth Risk (W.W.
Norton, 2018) and Blockers (W.W.
Norton, 2026).
Ray Madoff, The Second Estate
(University of Chicago Press, 2025).

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